Debo reconocer que Teodoro Petkoff nunca ha sido santo de mi devoción. Debe ser por la predisposición natural que tengo para con gente que alcanza la madurez intelectual después de los 45 años. En cualquier caso, Teodoro es un ídolo en algunos círculos de la sociedad venezolana. Y ahora es dizque uno de los pensadores más influyentes de habla hispana. Presumo que si el imbécil de Noam Chomsky puede ser considerado como el intelectual más influyente del mundo, pues Petkoff bien puede ser considerado como tal en Latinoamérica. El ex guerrillero es, para los que se las dan de eruditos y de 'progres', el equivalente de Chavez en este lado del espectro; es decir, el infalible, el que no yerra, el supremo iluminado.
No es de extrañar entonces que Teodoro, y su publicación Tal Cual en la cual el Michu Capriles tiene intereses, anda dictando pauta a Henrique Capriles Radonski, primo del último, y por lo que parece candidato preferido del anterior. Teodoro ha publicado en su diario algunos artículos criticando, cuando no mofandose de, las acciones en La Haya de otro de los aspirantes que compiten en las primarias: Diego Arria.
Henrique Capriles Radonski, cual disciplinado alumno, se aprendió la cartilla, y en el ultimo encuentro -que no debate- de candidatos solto una perla que fue inmediatamente recogida por quienes lo ven como la gran esperanza blanca. Dijo, palabras más o menos, que la labor de un presidente no es la de meter preso a nadie. Quisiera que Capriles Radonsky, o quienes le soplan al oído, nos dijesen cuando y donde fue que Arria dijo que metería preso a Chavez.
No obstante, no temo equivocarme al afirmar que la labor de un aspirante a presidente tampoco es la de ser un irresponsable.
La labor de un presidente, desde luego que no es la de meter preso a nadie. Eso corresponde a tribunales competentes e independientes. Ya que estos no existen en Venezuela, los venezolanos se ven en la desgraciada necesidad de ir a buscar justicia en otros lados, como por ejemplo ha hecho Leopoldo Lopez.
La labor de un presidente debe ser, ante todas las cosas, cumplir y hacer cumplir la constitución y la ley. Tal lo dicta la actual constitución (art. 236, sección 1a), en lo que respecta a las atribuciones del presidente.
La labor de un presidente no puede ser la de hacer un esfuerzo frio y calculado de ignorar a las miles de víctimas de violaciones a los derechos humanos, civiles y políticos en Venezuela.
La labor de un presidente no puede ser la de pretender que los problemas del país van a desaparecer, como por arte de magia, luego de una elección presidencial. Eso lo pueden pensar solamente los adolescentes, es decir, los imberbes que quieren ser mas populistas que Chavez.
La labor de un presidente que ha de encontrarse con un innumerable cúmulo de problemas incluso antes de llegar a la presidencia, si es que éste está bien asesorado por la 'intelectualidad', no puede ser adoptar una política absurda e impracticable de borrón y cuenta nueva. Por el contrario, en muchas de las resoluciones de conflictos internacionales que se conocen, y en algunas en las que ha participado Arria a diferencia de quienes opinan sobre sus acciones en la Haya, puede observarse que una de las primeras condiciones para el restablecimiento de una paz duradera es que los culpables directos de crímenes oprobiosos paguen por lo que han hecho. Como bien dice Arria, no es venganza, es justicia. Ya los tribunales determinaran culpabilidad.
Miles de familias venezolanas han sufrido atropellos en los ultimos 12 años. Es irresponsable decirle a estos miles de familias que se olviden de buscar justicia, como pretende hacer Capriles, y como desean los dizque intelectuales que han abogado dicha posición. Es irresponsable decirle a estas familias que la justicia es algo que puede negociarse, según deseos electorales y ambiciones políticas. Si Capriles Radonski, y quienes le asesoran, desean perdonar, a titulo personal, las acciones que el régimen chavista pudo haber cometido en su contra, ello es entera y exclusivamente una decisión individual y muy personal. Cada quien enfrenta las desgracias de forma distinta, y es irracional esperar que todas las víctimas del chavismo, o sus familiares, se resignen a que en la nueva Venezuela, esa que desea dirigir Capriles, habremos de convivir con asesinos, terroristas, ladrones, y corruptos. Como si no hubiese pasado nada.
Sin justicia no hay paz, y sin paz no hay reconciliación posible. Eso lo deberian saber los intelectuales de pacotilla, como Petkoff y sus admiradores. Irónicamente, Petkoff también es lo que puede calificarse como un "dinosaurio de la cuarta república", esa que tanto detestan los 'progres'. Desde luego que yo no voy a darle mi voto a Capriles Radonsky si éste gana las primarias. Prefiero votar por Chavez, a ver si en los próximos seis años les llega la madurez a algunos de los pusilánimes adolescentes que están compitiendo en las primarias.
8 December 2011
2 December 2011
Maldonado to stay in Williams F1, PDVSA threatening Congressman Carlos Ramos?
"Money talks and bullshit walks" goes the saying. Sir Frank Williams is quoted by BBC as having said "Pastor has proven he is not only quick but can also maintain a consistent and strong race pace..." Fair enough, some may say. However, it would have been interesting indeed to hear Williams' opinion regarding Maldonado had he not come to his team with a multimillion pound sponsorship deal from PDVSA. More interesting still would be to see whether Williams keeps Maldonado, in the event that sponsorship money from PDVSA suddenly dries. That's what we were expecting, following investigation into the deal, and questioning from Venezuelan Congressman Carlos Ramos. Alas is not going to happen. Por ahora...
In recent communication Congressman Ramos told me that he wasn't going to reply to Claire Williams' email, in which she claimed that all Williams deals with its partners were subject to confidentiality clauses that prevented from commenting in public about them, and therefore no copy of contract will be sent to Congressman Ramos, and no information about payments disbursed to date by PDVSA will be shared. Ms Williams' preposterous argument could have been easily tackled by Congressman Ramos. In fact, while jointly preparing the reply to Williams that will never be sent, Congressman Ramos mentioned articles 154, 222, 223 and 314 of Venezuela's Constitution, which invalidates any claim to confidentiality argued by Williams. Simply put, any contract entered into by PDVSA is subject to approval, first by its board, and then by Congress. The reason being, PDVSA is fully owned by the Venezuelan State, and its budget needs to be approved by its board and by its sole shareholder. PDVSA can not agree to confidentiality clauses. Period.
But someone must have called Congressman Ramos. Or worse, perhaps someone threatened him, or his family. Just after Sunday's Brazilian Grand Prix in Sao Paulo, I communicated with Congressman Ramos to ask when would he sign and send me reply letter for Williams. And this is what he said:
I can't be seen as an anti-sport Congressman... The fight is against corruption, I can't make it personal against Pastor... Chavistas are manipulating this... I am frontal against corruption but we need public support for this... In Venezuela we risk everything...
Enclosed the letter that Congressman Ramos would have sent to Williams F1, but didn't because of pressure, threats, political reasons, or all of the above.
Dear Ms Williams,
I thank you for your prompt reply to my communication, with respect to the contract between PDVSA and the Williams F1 Team.
Your reply, however, suggests that William F1 has not done sufficient due diligence on Venezuela’s legislation regarding public expenditure.
As you know, PDVSA is an oil conglomerate, fully owned by the Venezuelan State. Given that PDVSA is the largest contributor of fiscal revenues to the Venezuelan State, its budget needs to be approved by its board and its sole shareholder - the State, on a yearly basis. The amount, and general expenditure, of PDVSA's budget is, as a matter of law, public matter. Ergo, Venezuela's Congress receives, once a year, a detailed account of PDVSA's expenditure, for one very important reason: monies earned by PDVSA in the course of its natural business operations belong to and support the State.
Sponsoring a F1 racing team is most definitely not a priority expenditure for an entity that can derive NO commercial benefit from such capricious outlay. Bear in mind that PDVSA is not a commercial brand, and that it sells nothing to consumers with its brand - now painted in various places on your race cars. The financial situation of the Williams Formula 1 team is probably a matter of great concern to its owners, employees, and commercial sponsors. However, there is no acceptable explanation as per why 28 million Venezuelans have to foot the bill, to simply help Williams survive. I understand why you would take money from anyone, though it is impossible for me to explain, to my constituents and countrymen, why on earth we are wasting money on your team. That all of this is done by a government that calls itself socialist, a government which has destroyed much of the private sector in my country, and has demonised the practices of capitalism, is even more ironic and perplexing.
Article 154 of Venezuela's Constitution: “Treaties agreed to by the Republic must be approved by the National Assembly prior to their ratification by the President of the Republic, with the exception of those which seek to perform or perfect pre-existing obligations of the Republic, apply principles expressly recognised by the Republic, perform ordinary acts in international relations or exercise powers expressly vested by law in the National Executive.”
Article 222 of Venezuela's Constitution: “The National Assembly shall be empowered to exercise its control function by means of the following mechanisms: parliamentary questions, investigations, questions, authorisations and parliament's approvals as provided for in this Constitution and by law, and any other mechanism that may be established by laws and their associated Regulations. In exercising parliamentary control, the National Assembly shall have the power to make a finding of political liability on the part of public officials and call on Citizen Power to initiate the appropriate action to enforce such liability.”
Article 223 of Venezuela's Constitution: “The Assembly or its Committees shall have the power to conduct such investigations as they may deem appropriate in matters within their competence, in accordance with the Regulations. All public officials are obligated, subject to the penalties established by law, to appear before such Committees and provide the same with any information and documents they may require in order to carry out their functions. Private citizens are also subject to this obligation, without prejudice to the rights and guarantees embodied in this Constitution.”
Article 314 of Venezuela's Constitution: "No expense of any kind shall be disbursed unless the same has been provided for in the budget law. Additional budget credit items may be ordered to cover essential unforeseen expenses or items that had not been adequately funded, only if the treasury has resources to cover the expenditure concerned; this shall be done only following a vote in favor by the Cabinet of Ministers and authorisation by the National Assembly, or in its absence, by the Delegated Committee."
The Venezuelan Congress was not informed, according to law, of the sponsorship contract between Williams F1 Team and PDVSA. Neither in 2010, nor in 2011, was the Venezuelan Congress informed by PDVSA of such expenditure within its budget. This is clearly our problem, as it further underlines the institutional collapse of our society. The loss of independence of the Legislative Branch, and the repeated violation of the law on the part of the Executive Branch, are the hallmarks of the so called “Bolivarian Revolution” you have so joyfully tied your team’s future to.
Therefore, I can not, and will not, accept your argument of confidentiality. What we would expect from any and all counter-parties to a public contract in Venezuela, is that they would seek, and demand, that all legal steps be cleared, and maximum transparency be ensured. Your failure to demand this from PDVSA, coupled with your unwillingness to facilitate the work of the National Assembly, makes Williams F1 Team complicit of unauthorised spending, and so from this moment on that is exactly they way I intend to treat Williams F1 Team, unless, of course, you change your absurd position and start collaborating.
Until proven otherwise, we will continue to have the suspicion that irregular payments are an integral part of this ruinous contract, as they have become the norm in almost all public contracts signed by the Chavez administration. Rest assured that the contract between Williams F1 Team and PDVSA will not remain confidential, we will not stop investigating this matter, and we will seek any and all means to terminate this contract. Equally, we will ensure that Venezuelan public monies no longer get wasted in such fickle and unproductive sponsorship.
To conclude, I would like to respectfully request that you reconsider your position and manner of replies, while I reiterate my request for: 1) a copy of the original contract; 2) monies disbursed to date by PDVSA; 3) evidence of payments to date by PDVSA; and I add 4) the names of all PDVSA or Venezuelan government officials that have obtained from, or through, Williams F1 Team, VIP treatment and box passes for races in the 2011 F1 season.
Sincerely yours,
Congressman Carlos Ramos
Caracas 18 November 2011
In recent communication Congressman Ramos told me that he wasn't going to reply to Claire Williams' email, in which she claimed that all Williams deals with its partners were subject to confidentiality clauses that prevented from commenting in public about them, and therefore no copy of contract will be sent to Congressman Ramos, and no information about payments disbursed to date by PDVSA will be shared. Ms Williams' preposterous argument could have been easily tackled by Congressman Ramos. In fact, while jointly preparing the reply to Williams that will never be sent, Congressman Ramos mentioned articles 154, 222, 223 and 314 of Venezuela's Constitution, which invalidates any claim to confidentiality argued by Williams. Simply put, any contract entered into by PDVSA is subject to approval, first by its board, and then by Congress. The reason being, PDVSA is fully owned by the Venezuelan State, and its budget needs to be approved by its board and by its sole shareholder. PDVSA can not agree to confidentiality clauses. Period.
But someone must have called Congressman Ramos. Or worse, perhaps someone threatened him, or his family. Just after Sunday's Brazilian Grand Prix in Sao Paulo, I communicated with Congressman Ramos to ask when would he sign and send me reply letter for Williams. And this is what he said:
I can't be seen as an anti-sport Congressman... The fight is against corruption, I can't make it personal against Pastor... Chavistas are manipulating this... I am frontal against corruption but we need public support for this... In Venezuela we risk everything...
Enclosed the letter that Congressman Ramos would have sent to Williams F1, but didn't because of pressure, threats, political reasons, or all of the above.
Dear Ms Williams,
I thank you for your prompt reply to my communication, with respect to the contract between PDVSA and the Williams F1 Team.
Your reply, however, suggests that William F1 has not done sufficient due diligence on Venezuela’s legislation regarding public expenditure.
As you know, PDVSA is an oil conglomerate, fully owned by the Venezuelan State. Given that PDVSA is the largest contributor of fiscal revenues to the Venezuelan State, its budget needs to be approved by its board and its sole shareholder - the State, on a yearly basis. The amount, and general expenditure, of PDVSA's budget is, as a matter of law, public matter. Ergo, Venezuela's Congress receives, once a year, a detailed account of PDVSA's expenditure, for one very important reason: monies earned by PDVSA in the course of its natural business operations belong to and support the State.
Sponsoring a F1 racing team is most definitely not a priority expenditure for an entity that can derive NO commercial benefit from such capricious outlay. Bear in mind that PDVSA is not a commercial brand, and that it sells nothing to consumers with its brand - now painted in various places on your race cars. The financial situation of the Williams Formula 1 team is probably a matter of great concern to its owners, employees, and commercial sponsors. However, there is no acceptable explanation as per why 28 million Venezuelans have to foot the bill, to simply help Williams survive. I understand why you would take money from anyone, though it is impossible for me to explain, to my constituents and countrymen, why on earth we are wasting money on your team. That all of this is done by a government that calls itself socialist, a government which has destroyed much of the private sector in my country, and has demonised the practices of capitalism, is even more ironic and perplexing.
Article 154 of Venezuela's Constitution: “Treaties agreed to by the Republic must be approved by the National Assembly prior to their ratification by the President of the Republic, with the exception of those which seek to perform or perfect pre-existing obligations of the Republic, apply principles expressly recognised by the Republic, perform ordinary acts in international relations or exercise powers expressly vested by law in the National Executive.”
Article 222 of Venezuela's Constitution: “The National Assembly shall be empowered to exercise its control function by means of the following mechanisms: parliamentary questions, investigations, questions, authorisations and parliament's approvals as provided for in this Constitution and by law, and any other mechanism that may be established by laws and their associated Regulations. In exercising parliamentary control, the National Assembly shall have the power to make a finding of political liability on the part of public officials and call on Citizen Power to initiate the appropriate action to enforce such liability.”
Article 223 of Venezuela's Constitution: “The Assembly or its Committees shall have the power to conduct such investigations as they may deem appropriate in matters within their competence, in accordance with the Regulations. All public officials are obligated, subject to the penalties established by law, to appear before such Committees and provide the same with any information and documents they may require in order to carry out their functions. Private citizens are also subject to this obligation, without prejudice to the rights and guarantees embodied in this Constitution.”
Article 314 of Venezuela's Constitution: "No expense of any kind shall be disbursed unless the same has been provided for in the budget law. Additional budget credit items may be ordered to cover essential unforeseen expenses or items that had not been adequately funded, only if the treasury has resources to cover the expenditure concerned; this shall be done only following a vote in favor by the Cabinet of Ministers and authorisation by the National Assembly, or in its absence, by the Delegated Committee."
The Venezuelan Congress was not informed, according to law, of the sponsorship contract between Williams F1 Team and PDVSA. Neither in 2010, nor in 2011, was the Venezuelan Congress informed by PDVSA of such expenditure within its budget. This is clearly our problem, as it further underlines the institutional collapse of our society. The loss of independence of the Legislative Branch, and the repeated violation of the law on the part of the Executive Branch, are the hallmarks of the so called “Bolivarian Revolution” you have so joyfully tied your team’s future to.
Therefore, I can not, and will not, accept your argument of confidentiality. What we would expect from any and all counter-parties to a public contract in Venezuela, is that they would seek, and demand, that all legal steps be cleared, and maximum transparency be ensured. Your failure to demand this from PDVSA, coupled with your unwillingness to facilitate the work of the National Assembly, makes Williams F1 Team complicit of unauthorised spending, and so from this moment on that is exactly they way I intend to treat Williams F1 Team, unless, of course, you change your absurd position and start collaborating.
Until proven otherwise, we will continue to have the suspicion that irregular payments are an integral part of this ruinous contract, as they have become the norm in almost all public contracts signed by the Chavez administration. Rest assured that the contract between Williams F1 Team and PDVSA will not remain confidential, we will not stop investigating this matter, and we will seek any and all means to terminate this contract. Equally, we will ensure that Venezuelan public monies no longer get wasted in such fickle and unproductive sponsorship.
To conclude, I would like to respectfully request that you reconsider your position and manner of replies, while I reiterate my request for: 1) a copy of the original contract; 2) monies disbursed to date by PDVSA; 3) evidence of payments to date by PDVSA; and I add 4) the names of all PDVSA or Venezuelan government officials that have obtained from, or through, Williams F1 Team, VIP treatment and box passes for races in the 2011 F1 season.
Sincerely yours,
Congressman Carlos Ramos
Caracas 18 November 2011
30 November 2011
Corruption & Hugo Chavez: the cancer of Venezuela
*UPDATE at bottom. Lately, information coming out of Venezuela confirms that officials from the Hugo Chavez regime are totally unaccountable, above the law for all practical purposes. It sort of started when Congressman Carlos Ramos revealed there was a $29 billion fiscal hole in FONDEN, which is basically an out-of-budget fund that Hugo Chavez uses with absolute discretion to fund his pet projects and global revolution. In what has become known as the FONDEN papers, fellow blogger Miguel Octavio has delved more and more into the details of the dodgy fund.
In the meantime we have been treated to information about much smaller, but equally scandalous, expenditure. For example, a contract to provide to the Chavez regime electronic IDs, worth some $40 million, between Gemalto, a French public company with ADRs traded over in the USA, and a totally unknown Cuban briefcase-company called ALBET, which is meant to be some sort of subsidiary of Cuba's "university of technology" UCI. In this respect, Congressman Ramos also picked up the story, and decided to investigate a little.
Then, there's the sponsorship contract between PDVSA and Williams F1 team. In this instance, the amounts are believed to be between £110.5 million and £154.7 million (over 5 years). Again we find Congressman Ramos -it seems he is about the only elected official in Venezuela concerned about corruption- questioning the legality of this contract.
More recently though, copy of contract between China and Venezuela -to increase amount of a fund aptly called Chinese fund- has also been leaked. As Miguel reports, if what's stated in the documents is to be taken at face value, Venezuela, or rather Hugo Chavez acting unilaterally and without Congress' approval, wants to borrow $116 billion from China. In Miguel's own words:
Since Hugo Chavez took power in 1999, Venezuela's debt has mushroomed:
In the meantime we have been treated to information about much smaller, but equally scandalous, expenditure. For example, a contract to provide to the Chavez regime electronic IDs, worth some $40 million, between Gemalto, a French public company with ADRs traded over in the USA, and a totally unknown Cuban briefcase-company called ALBET, which is meant to be some sort of subsidiary of Cuba's "university of technology" UCI. In this respect, Congressman Ramos also picked up the story, and decided to investigate a little.
Then, there's the sponsorship contract between PDVSA and Williams F1 team. In this instance, the amounts are believed to be between £110.5 million and £154.7 million (over 5 years). Again we find Congressman Ramos -it seems he is about the only elected official in Venezuela concerned about corruption- questioning the legality of this contract.
More recently though, copy of contract between China and Venezuela -to increase amount of a fund aptly called Chinese fund- has also been leaked. As Miguel reports, if what's stated in the documents is to be taken at face value, Venezuela, or rather Hugo Chavez acting unilaterally and without Congress' approval, wants to borrow $116 billion from China. In Miguel's own words:
The Republic borrows US$ 20.8 billion from the Chinese. PDVSA “pays” for this loan to the tune of US$ 15.7 billion per year, clearly an inordinate amount of money for the loan received. The Chinese collect interest and capital and any “excess”, of which there is a lot, returns to the Government, not to PDVSA, via parallel funds, which bypass the controls and approvals of Venezuelan Laws.It's hundreds of millions here, thousands of billions there, maddening figures. Had these amounts of public money been put to legally intended use, Venezuelans, all 26 million of them, would most definitely be laughing any mention of crisis or capitalism failure. For it must be borne in mind: all these borrowing and spending without oversight, circumventing laws and Congress through dodgy funds and paying mechanisms, comes on the back of the highest ever windfall of oil income in the history of Venezuela.
Since Hugo Chavez took power in 1999, Venezuela's debt has mushroomed:
- Internal debt has gone from 3.8 billion Bs to 83 billion Bs ($31.9 billion, 2010 figures).
- External debt has gone from $37.7 billion to $54.5 billion (2009 figures).
Venezuela has become so corrupted, since Hugo Chavez's ascent to power, that it seems normal now that Nigerian-style scams, whereby officials documents and signatures are forged, are popping in the most unexpected places.
The worrying thing though, is that corruption does not end in Venezuela. Chinese, Russian, Belorussian, Iranian, Cuban, Nicaraguan, Bolivian, Ecuadorian, Colombian, Brazilian, Argentinean, and American authorities are happy to look the over way, so long as deals with the Venezuelan caudillo worths millions or billions can be had. But European countries, such as Spain, Italy, France, Germany and the UK are just as keen, perhaps even keener considering Europe's pathetic economic outlook, to look the other way, violate own anti corruption legislation, and enter into contracts that can't stand a minimum of scrutiny. This behaviour is generalised and widespread in both public and private sectors.
Venezuela is seen, as Libya used to be seen. Chavez is perceived, as Gadaffi used to be. Mad dog and all, there's tremendous potential to make a few billions quickly. And Chavez, in his diminishing existence, is eager to mortgage the future of Venezuela. The sad thing for us is that those who are meant to have higher moral principles, are just as corrupt and corruptible as chavistas.
*UPDATE: Miguel writes in with new debt figures: Venezuela's total debt has gone from $39.5 billion in 2000, to $104.5 billion in 2011.
*UPDATE: Miguel writes in with new debt figures: Venezuela's total debt has gone from $39.5 billion in 2000, to $104.5 billion in 2011.
24 November 2011
Update on BCV - Kellmar Ltd / Tony Caplin
The state of play in the alleged transfer, by Venezuela's Central Bank (BCV) of a sovereign bond, worth $2 billion, to Kellmar Ltd and Tony Caplin, is the following.
The president of the BCV, Nelson Merentes, has denied having signed any document to that effect [link]. If Merentes' denial is to be taken at face value, it remains to be seen what legal actions will he, the BCV, and the government of Venezuela undertake, to prosecute Kellmar Ltd and Tony Caplin, for forgery of documents and signatures of Venezuelan government officials, in what could be a rather elaborate scam.
The president of the BCV, Nelson Merentes, has denied having signed any document to that effect [link]. If Merentes' denial is to be taken at face value, it remains to be seen what legal actions will he, the BCV, and the government of Venezuela undertake, to prosecute Kellmar Ltd and Tony Caplin, for forgery of documents and signatures of Venezuelan government officials, in what could be a rather elaborate scam.
20 November 2011
Venezuela: Central Bank transfers $2 billion sovereign bond to Tony Caplin / Kellmar Limited
Daniel writes in to say that I should provide a bit of an explanation for why this should be a scandal. I guess that the reason would be that it is simply not normal for a Central Bank, to transfer free and clear, ownership of a sovereign bond, worth $2 billion, to a recently formed limited company with a share capital of £2,000, managed by an individual (Tony Caplin) who appears as inactive in the Financial Services Authority register.
[Read UPDATE] Some context of actors provided to facilitate further investigations in respective jurisdictions.
[Read UPDATE] Some context of actors provided to facilitate further investigations in respective jurisdictions.
Banco Central de Venezuela (BCV): Venezuela's Central Bank [link].
Nelson Merentes: Current President of BCV [link].
Eudomar Tovar: First Vice President of BCV [link].
Kellmar Limited: Isle of Man registered, £2,000 limited company [link].
Anthony Lindsay Caplin: a.k.a. Tony Caplin [link]. Former Chief Operating Officer of the Conservative Party [link]. Formerly with Panmure Gordon [link]. Director of Kellmar Ltd since 29 March 2011 [link]. Current Chairman of North West London Hospitals NHS Trust [link]. Current member of the Medical Research Council [link]. Current Commissioner of the Public Works Loan Board [link]. Currently inactive -as individual AXC01538 - Anthony Lindsay Caplin- according to the Financial Services Authority register [link].
Ramon Carpio Carvajal: Vice President of International Operations of BCV [link].
Ira D. Pruitt Jr: Attorney for Kellmar Ltd and Tony Caplin [link].
Rosallyn Hazelle: St. Kitts & Nevis Ambassador and Permanent Secretary Industry, Commerce, and Consumer Affairs [link].
Ira D. Pruitt Jr: Attorney for Kellmar Ltd and Tony Caplin [link].
Rosallyn Hazelle: St. Kitts & Nevis Ambassador and Permanent Secretary Industry, Commerce, and Consumer Affairs [link].
Credit Suisse [link].
Sovereign Bond: Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, 9.250, 07/05/28, ISIN USP17625AB33, common code 036133678 [link].
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